CULTURAL

Monday, July 26, 1999 Online Edition 167

Marriage used to mean a free house among Garifunas

In the past a Garifuna man would walk through the streets drumming to tell people to build a house or announce when someone was dead. This is no longer done.

By WENDY GRIFFIN

If traditional methods of Garifuna house building were still used, within two months of Hurricane Mitch the Garifunas who lost homes in the storm would have been housed. Instead, six months after the hurricane a number of families are still waiting for "someone else" to build them a new house.

"In the past, when a young Garifuna man was ready to get married, he would get a group of friends together. One day they would go to the wetlands by canoe, like those on the far side of Guaymoreto Lagoon, and cut tique palms. The trunks of these palms are used for the upright supports of the walls," explains Enrique Gutierrez, a Garifuna of Trujillo.

"Another day, the young man and his friends and cousins would go off to the mountains and bring back cohune palm leaves for the manaca or palm thatch for the roof," he said. Other days were dedicated to bringing down the roof poles and cutting cana brava (wild cane) to weave between the tique trunks to make the walls.

Two types of vines called mimbre in Spanish and mibi in Garifuna were cut. The thinner variety was to tie down the manaca, while the other was used to tie the cana brava to the tique. No nails were needed. This kind of house was 100 percent natural.

On the day of house building, a man with a drum would walk through the streets inviting the people to come and build the house. Men would assemble the tique and cana brava walls, then fill them in with red clay. Then the men would be up on the roof, tying down the manaca. Children would haul water to mix with the red clay.

As the walls were going up, the men would take turns playing punta on the drums, says Angel Batiz. The women were off to one side cooking the meal for the workers, but they would come over and sing and dance punta, too. Garifunas believe that work goes faster with singing and have many work songs.

When the house was built in a day, the builders and the cooks would stay late into the night to sing and dance punta. Then the buyei or shaman would purify the house with cheap cane liquor called guaro. Prior to beginning construction, the young man would already have bought all the household items the couple would need to start, such as pots and pans. Traditional Garifuna kitchens have built up clay stoves for firewood, as can also be seen in Miskito and Pech homes.

Garifuna houses are no longer made for free for newlyweds. Mr. David, a Garifuna from Trujillo, explains it is because now everything has become so expensive.

"It used to be that at a wake no one paid for drumming. Different men took turns. No one paid to build a manaca house for the dugu ceremony. Friends and family help put the manaca up. Now I have heard one neighbor paid Lps. 1,000 to build a dugu house." But you see, everything is so expensive. I can't afford to take a day off and not fish or do some other thing to make money, to do this other activity for free."

Denis Omar of Trujillo estimates that it now costs Lps. 1,800 in labor to build a traditional clay house (casa embarrada). Since it takes four men to put up a manaca roof and it must be replaced every 3-5 years, people now think that the lifetime cost of a tin roof is cheaper because it requires less labor less often.

It does not help that some of the building materials are becoming scarce. Suita makes a better roof than manaca, lasting 10-12 years. But the only stand of suita between Trujillo and the Mosquitia is on his parents' land in Sangrelaya, says Angel Batiz.

Tique is also scarce in the opinion of the Garifunas. Artisans who need tique roots to make baisada brooms for fanning a cooking fire and the leaves to make sweeping brooms walk from Santa Rosa de Aguan as far as Guaymoreto Lagoon to get the plant. But a Ladino in Trujillo disagrees. "There is too much tique. We set fire to it around the lagoon." Ladinos also burn the vines used for tying like mibi and guenu.

Since houses are no longer built for free, young men who want to get married must pay to build one. Land also used to be cheap, newlyweds building on land that belonged to their families. Without the money to buy land, labor, materials and home furnishings, many poor Garifuna young men are like poor girls in Western European stories who had no dowry. They find it difficult to find women to marry them.

Some immigrate or become sailors so they can build their house. Many Garifuna towns have beautiful houses whose owners only live one or two weeks a year when they get vacation. Others resign themselves to not getting married, but their girlfriends become single mothers and their sexual behavior puts them at risk to get HIV.

Betty Meigham, a native of La Lima, also describes young men looking for women with the three C's: casa, carro y carrera (house, car and a career). Unable to afford his own house, the man looks for someone who has one. Female tourists in Garifuna areas sometimes find themselves accompanied by interesting Garifuna young men. "Why doesn't some Garifuna girl snatch these guys up?" they wonder. Without free houses, though, it is hard for them to earn enough to be considered "a good catch." It is also much harder to rebuild after Hurricane Mitch.

VON HUMBOLDT EXHIBIT -- JULY 30 -- The German Cultural Center and the Honduran-German association will commemorate the 200th anniversary of the trip to America by Alexander Von Humboldt with an exhibit and a video of the historic event. The inauguration will take place at the center's facilities located in Barrio La Fuente in downtown Tegucigalpa at 7 p.m. More information at 327-1555.

LENCA PHOTOGRAPHY EXHIBIT -- JULY -- The Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History (IHAH) is hosting a photography exhibit titled "Lencas and Tolupanes through the lens of Anne Chapman" at the National Museum in downtown Tegucigalpa, next to the Honduran Central Bank.

HONDURAN ART EXHIBIT -- JULY -- Banco del Pais in San Pedro Sula is presenting an exhibit of Honduran art at its headquarters on Blvd. Dr. Jose Antonio Peraza. More information at 566-2020.

CHILEAN MOVIES -- SEPTEMBER 2-9 -- The Embassy of Chile will present a sampling of contemporary Chilean films at Cinemark in Tegucigalpa's Multiplaza Mall. The movies include Julio Comienza en Julio and La Luna en el Espejo by Silvio Caiozzi, La Frontera by Ricardo Larrain, Historias de Futbol by Andres Wood and El Gringuito by Sergio Castilla. More information at 232-2114, 232-4095.

CASA DEL ARTISTA -- The Casa del Artista, which was recently inaugurated by the Honduran Association of Visual Authors (AHAVI) in San Pedro Sula, is presenting rotating art exhibits at 4 Ave. N.O. between 6th and 7th streets, house no. 59. It is open from 8 to 11:30 a.m. and from 1 to 5 p.m. Ask for the drawing and painting classes for children, too. For more information, call Marluce de Mejia at 550-0225 or Antonio Vinciguirra at 552-0542.

NATIONAL ART GALLERY -- The Pro-Art and Culture Foundation and the National Gallery of Art have space available for cultural exhibits for the benefit of the victims of Hurricane Mitch. For more information, call 237-9884, 9 a.m. to 4 p.m.

MARIMBA CONCERT -- TONIGHT -- The Marimba Alma de Honduras folkloric troupe will offer a delightful performance tonight at the Manuel Bonilla National Theater of Tegucigalpa at 7:00 p.m.

SYMPHONIC ORCHESTRA -- JULY 30 -- The National Symphonic Orchestra of Honduras (OSHN) and the Embassy of Ecuador will present a concert under the direction of Alvaro Manzano, director of the Ecuadoran Symphonic Orchestra, to take place at the Manuel Bonilla National Theater at 7 p.m. Prestigious violinist Jorse Saade-Scaff will play during the event. The program will include the works "Adarele" by Julio Bueno, "Introduccion" and "Rondo Caprichoso" by Camille Saint Saenz and "Ruminahui" by Alvaro Manzano. Admission is Lps. 50; students with ID and senior citizens pay Lps. 25. More information at 220-7206.

CHRISTIAN MUSIC -- JULY 29, 30 -- The Colegio de Ingenieros of San Pedro Sula will host a concert of Christian music and a poetry recital beginning 6:30 p.m.

ARTISTIC EXPRESSION SEASON -- THROUGH SEPTEMBER 12 -- Teatro La Fragua of El Progreso, Yoro is celebrating its 20th anniversary with an Artistic Expression Season. Check out the following schedule of plays: July 24: Alta es la Noche; July 30, 31, Aug. 6, 7: Romero de las Americas; August 13, 14: Charivari; Aug. 20, 21: Y Ahora que Hacer?; Aug. 27, 28: Alta es la Noche; Sept. 3, 4: Costa y Calor; Sept. 10, 11: Variedades. Showtime is 7:15 p.m. The groups to perform during this activity include La Fragua from Honduras, Escuadron Jitomate from Mexico, T.N.T. and from El Salvador. On Sundays, there will be special videos for children at 4 p.m. More information at 666-0974.

ADULT COMEDY -- THROUGH AUGUST 8 -- The Circulo Teatral Sampedrano (CCS) are presenting a new comedy titled Prestame a tu marido (Lend me your husband) Fridays through Sundays at 7:30 p.m.

ADULT COMEDY -- JULY-AUGUST -- Producciones Artisticas Siglo XXI presents its 6th production titled Tres mujeres para un Hombre (Three women for a man) at the Renacimiento Theater in Tegucigalpa's Plaza Millennium mall Thursdays through Saturdays at 7:30 p.m.. Admission is Lps. 50; senior citizens and students pay only Lps. 30. More information at 225-5517.

FOLKLORIC FESTIVAL -- AUGUST 28-SEPTEMBER 4 -- Fundacion Escritos is preparing the International Folkloric Festival, which will take place at Establo El Molino on the road to Valle de Angeles. Fifteen foreign communities will participate in the event.

FOLKLORIC FESTIVAL -- THROUGH JULY 28 -- The residents of the Santa Barbara, in the province of Santa Barbara, are holding a regional folkloric festival. More information at 236-9738.

DANCE AND FINE ARTS WORKSHOP -- AUGUST 19-SEPTEMBER 9 -- The Centro Cultural Sampedrano (CCS) will offer modern dance and fine arts workshops for children aged 7 to 13. Classes will be held Tuesdays and Thursdays from 3 to 4 p.m. The cost is Lps. 160. More information at 557-8639.

CARPENTRY WORKSHOP -- The Centro Cultural Sampedrano (CCS) offers

carpentry workshops for children aged 8 to 15. Classes are given Mondays and Tuesdays from 3 to 5 p.m. Admission is Lps. 40, and there is a Lps. 150 monthly fee. More information at 557-8639.

MUSIC CLASSES - The "Amadeus" Music Conservatory offers individual music classes for all ages. For more information, call 232-2859.

ART, LEARNING & TUTORING FOR CHILDREN -- The Art and Education Center, BONAMPAK, at the Plaza Millennium, is currently offering hourly art courses for children ages 6 to 12 on Mondays and Wednesdays, as well as Tuesdays and Thursdays from 3 to 5 p.m. Hourly reading courses for children ages 7 to 12 are being held on Fridays from 4 to 6 p.m., as well as for children ages 4 to 6. Tutoring services are also available. Call 222-5487 for more information.

ART & PAINTING CLASSES -- Sarah Morris Swetcharnik offers art classes for children and teenagers Saturdays from 10-11:30 a.m. at the Union Church in Lomas de Guijarro. Tuition is Lps. 450 for four weeks of month or Lps. 150 per week. Painting sessions for individual and small groups are also offered Saturday mornings by William Swetcharnik. This workshop is held in a private zoo-garden in Tegucigalpa, where participants work independently and arrange for individual or very small group critiques, sharing a $50 per hour fee. More information at 211-8369.

HUMAN FIGURE DRAWING -- AUGUST 2-13 -- The Mujeres en las Artes "Leticia Oyulea" organization offers an introductory workshop to human figure drawing with a model, by Honduran painter Xenia Mejia. Classes will be given three days a week from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m. and from 2 to 5 p.m. Admission is Lps. 800. More information at 236-8271.

CHILDREN'S LIBRARY -- The Centro Cultural Infantil of San Pedro Sula currently has a program titled "The Reading Corner" offering young people a chance to read and listen to stories in a comfortable environment. The library of this center holds a "Story Hour" daily and has a study area where students may do research. For more information about CCI services, call 557-8639.

BINGO -- JULY 30 -- The Damas Chilenas Association invite the public to a great Bingo to take place at the Club de Oficiales de la Fuerza Aerea in Col. Godoy of Tegucigalpa at 6 p.m. Proceeds will go to the Republica de Chile School. Prizes will include airplane tickets, imported liquors, family baskets and much more.

HISPANIC DAY CELEBRATION -- JULY 31 -- Come celebrate the Hispanic Heritage Day with the Decadas music group at the Colegio de Ingenieros of San Pedro Sula from 8 p.m.

HURRICANE MITCH PRESENTATION -- Biocentro in San Pedro Sula is currently giving a presentation about Hurricane Mitch.

CLUBS

FAMILIES ANONYMOUS -- Families Anonymous (FA) meetings are held every Tuesday evening at the Union Church at 7:30 p.m. Call Eileen for more information at 239-9779 or 239-9778.

NARCOTICS ANONYMOUS -- Having problems with drugs, alcohol? Meetings are held in Spanish every Monday, Wednesday and Friday at 7:30 p.m. in Colonia Palermo, Ave. Juan Manuel Galvez, 1 calle # 1836. For more information, call Ricardo at 991-9417 or 232-8989.

AL-ANON FAMILY GROUPS -- Al-Anon helps the relatives and friends of problem drinkers. Groups meet weekly in Colonia Alameda (Saturday afternoons) and Colonia Loarque (Sunday evenings). For more information, contact Amanda at 239-2698 (Spanish) or Margaret at 226-6576 (English).

ENGLISH SPEAKING WOMEN'S CLUB -- The ESWC invites all English-speaking women to attend its teas held the second Thursday of each month at 2:30 p.m. at the Restaurante La Hacienda on Blvd. Morazan. For more information, call Sara at 211-8369.

MUSEUMS AND GARDENS

TEGUCIGALPA

MUSEO DE HISTORIA REPUBLICANA

The Museum of Republican History is located at the Villa Roy building in Tegucigalpa's Barrio Buenos Aries. It is open 8:30 to 3:30, Tuesdays through Sundays and features portraits, paraphernalia, and other interesting items from past presidents. Admission is Lps. 20 for non-resident foreigners and Lps. 10 for Hondurans and Central Americans. For more information, call 222-3470 or 222-1468.

CENTRAL BANK MUSEUM

The Central Bank of Honduras located at the Comayaguela annex building is open from 9 a.m. to noon and from 1 to 4 p.m., Monday to Friday. It has a permanent coin and painting exhibit. For special presentations, call the Emision y Tesoreria department at 237-2270 (-78), ext. 2117 (-2120). [CLOSED UNTIL FURTHER NOTICE.]

NATIONAL ART GALLERY

The Galeria Nacional de Arte features rock art, pre-Columbian ceramics, colonial paintings, religious art and a wide selection of 20th century Honduran painters. The gallery is located at the Plaza de la Merced in downtown Tegucigalpa. It is open Tuesday through Saturday from 10-5 p.m. and Sunday from 10-2 p.m. Admission is Lps. 10 for adults, Lps. 5 for senior citizens, Lps. 3 for students and Lps. 1 for children accompanied by adults.

IGUANA FARM

The Biosfera Ecocentro Iguana Farm in Colonia La Joya invites the public to come and learn everything about iguanas. Admission is Lps. 5 for adults, Lps. 3 for children. The facility is open every day (except Wednesday) from 9 to 5. For more information, call 230-6346.

COMAYAGUA, COMAYAGUA

COMAYAGUA COLONIAL MUSEUM

Located in the city of Comayagua, 2 hours north from Tegucigalpa, the Comayagua Colonial Museum is in the building that served as home to the government in the 19th century. It contains objects used by indigenous cultures and the Spanish during the pre-Colombian and Colonial eras.

COMAYAGUA RELIGIOUS MUSEUM

Located in the Casa Cural in front of Comayagua's cathedral, this museum features religious paintings and objects dating back to the 16th century. Hours are 8-12 and 2-4 p.m., Mondays through Fridays. For more information, contact Leonardo Letona at 772-0348.

LA PAZ, LA PAZ

LA PAZ HOUSE OF CULTURE

The La Paz Casa de la Cultura is located in downtown La Paz. It features an attractive exhibit of the Lenca handicrafts and culture. It is open Mondays through Sundays.

SAN PEDRO SULA, CORTES

SPS MUSEUM OF ANTHROPOLOGY AND HISTORY

The Museo de Antropología e Historia de San Pedro Sula features exhibits on the development of Sula Valley, from 1500 B.C. to the middle of this century. The museum is open 10 a.m. to 4:15 p.m. Tuesdays through Saturdays and 9 a.m. to 3 p.m. on Sundays. Admission is Lps. 10 for adults, Lps. 5 for students and children under 12, and Lps. 2 for senior citizens. For more information, call 557-1496/557-1798 or fax 557-1874.

MUSEUM OF NATURE OF SAN PEDRO SULA

Sponsored and managed by the Fundacion Ecologista H.R. Pastor Fasquelle, this new museum was inaugurated last December in its current location at the Biocentro on 3 Avenida and 9 Calle Noroeste. It has 24 exhibits on the environment, natural resources and biology of Honduras. Hours are 8 a.m. to 5 p.m. daily and 8 a.m. until noon on Saturdays. Admission is Lps 5 for students from public schools and Lps. 10.00 for everyone else.

YUSCARAN, EL PARAISO

YUSCARAN HOUSE OF CULTURE

Yuscaran's Casa de la Cultura is located at the former Casa Fortin in downtown Yuscaran, El Paraiso department, just 45 km from Tegucigalpa on the road to Danli. It is open Mondays through Saturdays.

OLANCHO

PECH CULTURAL CENTER

The Pech have built a small house in El Carbon, Olancho to display their modern handicrafts. An exhibit of archaeological finds in the area is planned. You can ask to see the collection and/or get a tour of a Post Classic era fortified site. The Pech Cultural Center also offers medicinal plant tours, nature hikes, Pech dinners, etc. There is no admission fee to the cultural center. Hours: If you ask, they will open it.

COPAN

COPAN ARCHEOLOGICAL MUSEUM

Located in the village of Copan Ruinas, Copan department, the museum exhibits a splendid assortment of Mayan pieces that have been found in the Copan Ruins Archaeological Park just 1 km away.

LA PUENTE ARCHAEOLOGICAL MUSEUM

Featuring a sizeable collection of Mayan handicrafts and photographs as well as a room with Japanese antique ceramics, this museum is located at the El Puente Archaeological Site, about an hour's drive from Copán Ruinas.

MAYAN SEPULTURAS MUSEUM

Inaugurated in 1996, this is the premier Mayan museum in the Mundo Maya, featuring the finest examples of Copán's tombs, sculptures and architecture. Located at the Copán Ruins Archaeological Park, the museum is open Monday through Sunday.

TELA, ATLANTIDA

LANCETILLA BOTANICAL GARDENS

Located 2 kilometers from Tela on the Atlantic coast highway, the gardens feature one of the largest collections of tropical and subtropical plants, shrubs and trees in all Latin America. It is open from 7:30 a.m. to 2:30 p.m., Mondays through Sundays. There is an admission charge.

GARIFUNA MUSEUM

This Garifuna-run museum in Tela, Atlantida has an almost complete collection of the different handicrafts made by the Garifunas. If you ask, they have a written guide in English available. The museum also houses the Garifuna handicraft shop and part of the Tela Artist Association's Art Gallery. The rest of the Gallery and the Garifuna restaurant have moved to the Garifuna Plaza on the beach next to the Bahia Azul Hotel. Tours of the Garifuna Museum to home/studios of Garifuna artists, medicinal plant tours, dance presentations, and tours/overnight stays in local Garifuna villages can be arranged at either the Museum or Garifuna Plaza. The museum is open 9 to 5 while Garifuna Plaza is open 7 a.m. to 9 p.m. Admission is Lps. 5. The museum is located next to the river, one block up from the bridge that goes to Telamar and the local churches.

LA CEIBA, ATLANTIDA

BUTTERFLY AND INSECT MUSEUM

Thousands of butterflies and insects from Honduras and 18 other countries are on display in La Ceiba' private Butterfly and Insect Museum. It is located in Colonia El Sauce, 2nd etapa, casa G-12. Visiting hours are 8-12 and 2-5, Monday through Saturday. The museum is closed Wednesday afternoon. Fees are Lps. 15 for adults and Lps. 10 for students. Tel. 442-2874, e-mail: rlehman@ns.gbm.hn

TRUJILLO

TRUJILLO RUFINO GALAN MUSEUM

A private museum which has a memorabilia section, old chairs, anchors, silverware, beds of famous people locally. There is an industrial archaeology section on how lights, axes, stoves, sewing machines, typewriters have changed over time. They have a good collection of Garífuna handicrafts and the best collection

of NE Honduras archaeological pieces -- all unmarked. A written guide to the museum is available at the Trujillo Tourism Office in English and Spanish. The museum is open 8 to 4, closing for lunch. Adults Lps. 20, children Lps. 10. Located on Calle 18 de Mayo, next to the Crystales River and the famous "piscina" or pool, about a 15-minute walk out of town.

ROATAN, THE BAY ISLANDS

CARAMBOLA BOTANICAL GARDENS

The private Carambola Botanical Gardens and Nature Trails is located in Sandy Bay, Roatan, Bay Islands. A wide variety of exotic plants is featured here, including "Roatan's most extensive orchid collection." It is open daily from 7 a.m. to 5 p.m. For more information, call 445-1117 and ask for Bill or Irma Brady.

BAY ISLANDS MUSEUM

A private museum at Anthony's Key Resort, Sandy Bay, Roatan, Bay Islands, it mostly includes archaeological pieces, but there is a small section on the modern Bay Islanders. Museum admission is included in the cost of the dolphin show at Anthony Key's Institute of Marine Sciences. Small buses or taxis will take you to Sandy Bay from most Roatán towns.

The Maya Calendar is a public service for our readers. If you would like to announce an event taking place in Honduras, please send the information to: Calendar Editor, Honduras This Week, Fax 232-2300, e-mail: hontweek@hondutel.hn

Monday, July 19, 1999 Online Edition 166

New book presents true history of La Ceiba

By JOHN MORAN

Special to Honduras This Week

What is so important about the city of La Ceiba that needs revision? To answer that question, one has to see what La Ceiba represents to the average Honduras. It is viewed as a party town (Honduras' version of Fort Lauderdale) and the site of the so called "Carnaval Nacional" held in May. It is a soccer town with a historic soccer tradition, notably that of the Vida soccer club. Finally, La Ceiba is viewed as a city founded by what is now called Standard Fruit de Honduras, formerly called Vaccaro Brothers Line Company and a product of the banana commerce late in the 19th century.

All these are misconceptions and this is the purpose of Antonio Canelas' book La Ceiba, sus Raices y su Historia (La Ceiba, its Roots and its History) -- to present the true history of the city of La Ceiba and especially the true role of Standard Fruit Company in its history. Moreover, it is a gathering and recording of oral history passed down from generations among the Garifunas as well as from non-Garifuna descendants of the founding families of La Ceiba. So little of it has passed down to this generation of Ceibenos. His La Ceiba is written to shorten the gap. He also uses periodicals and other primary sources written about La Ceiba, but this is minor compared to the oral information gathered by Canelas. La Ceiba is divided into five parts.

Part I focuses on the Honduran migrations. The first settlers to come to this area were the Garifuna. These came from Truxillo in 1810 and discovered or rediscovered the Cangrejal River as well as the historical great Ceiba Tree on the beach from which the city got its official name in 1872. They established various Garifuna villages and created a nifty contraband trade along the Honduran North Coast. Then you have the three waves of migration from Olancho beginning in 1828 and ending in 1870. These Olancho families were introduced to the contraband trade and given a part of it by the dominant Garifunas. The Olancho families were known to have settled around the huge Ceiba Tree on the coast after having expelled the original inhabitants, the Pech Indians.

Part II is related to the foreign migrations to the area. These families were Spanish and French. The Spaniards came in 1846 and established their villages along the Cangrejal River while the French came via Truxillo in 1857. These families also profited from the contraband trade and became major landowners and merchants. These different and separate nucleuses co-existed among each other for decades and were officially brought together under one authority with the formal creation of the city of La Ceiba in 1872.

Thereafter, the next foreign migration was Cuban, mostly revolutionary exiles fleeing Spanish rule. Cuban rebel leader Jose Marti stayed for a while in La Ceiba but left after a short stay with his brother in arms. The rest stayed behind and became a part of La Ceiba society. Also arriving in the 1870s were Blacks from the Caribbean brought by the banana companies to help load the bananas on the boats (after having purchased them from the local planters). The Arab migration came in the 1890s up to the 1920s, the Kawas and Dip families being the most prosperous and gradually dominate local commerce in La Ceiba. From the 1870s to until 1920 La Ceiba was virtually the center of commerce in Honduras and closely tied with New Orleans than Tegucigalpa. However, the sudden prosperity had mixed results: along with an budding cultural development via print shops, local dailies, and local bookstores and libraries there emerged uneducated inhabitants who got rich quickly but lived a life of vice and immorality.

Part III focuses mainly on the ejido question and tries to demonstrate that the Standard Fruit of Honduras isn't the real owners of these lands which it claims to have documented proof of having but rather to the original owners and their descendants whom he claims were cheated like (the Tarantino family, relatives of the Vaccaro, Manuel Mejia and Juan Carias).

One sees a striving and prosperous city gradually developing and acquiring a unique identity long before the Vaccaro Brothers and friends came.

Part IV focuses on the rise of the Italian run banana company, the Vaccaro Brothers firm. The process of the Vaccaro takeover is based mostly on oral history/testimonies of the descendants of the Tarantino, the Mejia, the Carias, as well as their close associates. This is what was once known but not talked about publicly and is pretty much forgotten or unknown by today's generation.

In 1899, Salvador D'Antoni came to the Honduran North Coast as a struggling trader and discovers the flourishing contraband and banana trade. He finds one of his relatives Don Francisco Tarantino who was a prominent merchant and amassed a huge fortune, and persuades him to be a partner in the Vaccaro firm. He does so and his fortune and plantations are given to the firm as his share and local merchants friendly to Tarantino help D'Antoni settle down at Cuero y Salado River in 1901. Railroad construction begins and D'Antoni moves to the thriving city of La Ceiba, eventually persuading two local rich merchants -- Manuel Mejia and Juan Carias -- to become partners. They too put up their fortune and lands as their share.

In the end, Canelas writes, the truth came out: neither Tarantino, Manuel Mejia nor Juan Carias were inscribed as partners of Vaccaro Brothers. The Vaccaro exercised Mafia-style muscling toward local merchants in expanding their hegemony and gradually enjoyed the support and recognition of the Honduran Government. To cover up their actions, Vaccaro agents had the Archive center of La Ceiba's City Hall burnt in 1903, destroying all land ownership documents and ejido titles, so the descendants testify. The local press began denouncing Vaccaro's Mafia-style tactics and accused them of the 1903 burning.

In 1914, the city suffered another major burning. The pharmacy of Virgilio Reynolds was burned down and with it all remaining evidence that remained against them via articles, photos,

personal correspondences, etc., some which were hidden and had survived the 1903 burning. Both burnings devastated the city twice and the Vaccaro Brothers firm denied any involvement in both of them. The 1920 "Poquitero Strike" was La Ceiba's major stand against the Vaccaro Brothers and their strong arm activities, many being machine gunned down in the process. Oro Verde, written by the Spaniard Jose Solana in 1920, describes how the Vaccaro Brothers used Mafia-style tactics to take over the Municipality of

La Ceiba and the city itself. According to Canelas, the writer was forced to flee the city for fear of his life while the Vaccaro

agents gathered and burnt almost all the published editions." Today Oro Verde is considered as underground literature and a miracle to find.

Hence, by 1920, it controlled the dock of La Ceiba, (thanks to a government decree in 1910), the railroads, and had eliminated not only local competition but its American rivals. According to Canelas, La Ceiba would never be the same and declined gradually from the major commercial center to what it is today, the third major city of Honduras.

Part V is somewhat boring if you are not a native of La Ceiba, being merely miscellaneous information. There Canelas writes about several Gobernadores Politicos; the first pharmacies, tailor shops, social clubs, etc.; and the first radio station. What is of real importance in this section is his treatment of the Festival of Saint Isidore Laborer (among La Ceiba Catholics, St. Isidore is La Ceiba's Patron Saint). Brought by the Spanish settlers in 1846, it originally it had a religious connotation. When the Spaniards began to be lax in its celebration, the Olanchanos and Christian Garifunas popularized it. In 1891 it became by law a local holiday and during the early 20th century, commercial activities were included with the religious processions in celebrating the Festival of Saint Isidore Laborer. Today it is more commonly referred to vulgarly as "Carnaval Nacional."

Although Canelas does not possess a history degree or training, but is merely a history aficionado, he has committed himself to 25 years of research. That is his achievement and through this extensive research a notably forgotten past has been restored and preserved. The book also provides interesting photos of early La Ceiba and certain historical figures who played a role in the city's founding and development.

However, Canelas' La Ceiba has its flaws due to the lack of training in writing history. First, he fails to provide any background information in Honduran history to coincide with La Ceiba's development. For him, national history and politics play no role at all. Second, he has no bibliography page, essential to writing anything scholastic, especially history, and could use more secondary sources. Third, he tends to ramble and ends up being incoherent in his writing at times. Fourth, Canelas tends to become very subjective and that is not good for any scholastic work. Fifth, he does not provide the most important photo of all: the ex-Ceiba tree cut down in 1917 to make room for what is today the Customs House and from which the city gets its name. No excuse, for he claims to have seen photos and knows where to find them. Finally. The book is too expensive (200 lempiras) for amateur and superficial writing.

In retrospect, more depth could have been provided and many questions remain unexplained (e.g. Why Vaccaro Brothers later became part of the Standard Fruit and Steamship Company and the impact on La Ceiba, why the Liberal Party is dominant there, or why is La Ceiba infatuated with Honduran president Gen. Manuel Bonilla.)

In conclusion, Canelas' La Ceiba is, despite its flaws, a unique work and makes a nice reference book for high schools or universities, especially the ones in La Ceiba.

Garifuna stories tell of traditional wedding customs

By WENDY GRIFFIN

One way to understand other ethnic groups' cultures is to examine their stories. A story that tells of Garifuna customs before a man marries a girl is "El Novio Fiel" (The Faithful Fiance). This story was collected at the Garifuna community of Limon by students of the La Ceiba campus of the National Teaching University (UPN).

This is the story of a young man who went to the city to work. He returned to his village when he was 15 years old, happening upon a newborn girl. She was only about one week old and so pretty, that he said, "This is going to be my wife."

He talked to her parents and the girl was promised to him. He went back to the city to work again, because from the moment she was promised to him, the mother was responsible only for breast feeding her. Beyond that, clothes, food, school supplies and everything else were to be paid by him.

That is what they did, he worked and wrote to the parents asking how the young girl was. When the girl was about 13 years old, he went to see her again. The girl was well developed and very pretty. He only had to wait two more years for the wedding.

The man went back to work to buy the furniture. He looked for a carpenter, Mr. Timothy who was hired to make the furniture. This year when he had vacations, he went back to his village, since there was only one more year before the wedding.

During this vacation, he had to go fishing. But neither he nor anybody in his family could taste even one of these fish. Only the family of his promised wife could eat them. If he even asked for some bit of the food made with these fish, then the engagement was over.

One day he went fishing. He got the fish out of the canoe. Then he made the mistake of bathing himself (probably in a river as most traditional Garifuna houses have no indoor plumbing). Pouring the cold water over his body gave him aches in his bones, like arthritis.

The mother of the girl went to collect the fish and then went home. The young man went home without any fish, with a lot of pain in his bones and he felt bad as if he had a fever. (These are the symptoms of dengue).

The girl prepared the fish and her family ate them. Mr. Timothy continued to make the furniture and was almost ready to varnish them. The man tried to go back to town to work, but he just felt sicker and sicker. The mother-in-law told Mr. Timothy not to hurry the furniture.

The mother of the girl decided it would be better if her future son-in-law came back to the village. Maybe it was his ancestors asking for food. Maybe what they needed was a great celebration the Garifunas call dugu. Maybe his ancestors wanted a dance of the gubida (ancestor spirits), so that he would be cured.

The young man did what his future mother-in-law recommended, because if he did not, she was going to break off the relations. He was interested in the girl and besides he was interested in being cured. So he left his job and went back to his village.

When he arrived in the village, he only had a little money with him. First he visited the buyei, the shaman or person who can put the living in contact with the spirits of his ancestors. The buyei told him, "Look, it is your great-grandfather who is asking for a mass. He is asking for a dance. He is asking for a table full of food. You have to do the preparations for all of this. As long as you do not do this, you will not get better."

So the young man began to prepare for the ceremony. He had to invite his whole family to prepare for the ceremony and dance for the spirit of this relative who made him sick. They did all the preparations, had the ceremony and danced, and the man got better.

Everything was ready for the wedding, except that he had spent the money for the furniture on the dance of the gubida in honor of this ancestor. So the young man went back to town to work to earn the money for the wedding. Six months later, he came back to village but on the exact day of his wedding he died.

His mother began to cry. His mother-in-law and the bride began to cry. Finally everybody cried. At the same time they sang, saying, "Yu du aju, yu du jau." He already went away. He passed away from us.

"Oh, mama," said the fiance. "Oh, my daughter. He already left us and just when we could smell the varnish." And so it was on the day this man was supposed to get married he passed away.

The chorus "Yu du aju, yu jau" would be sung by all of the audience when the story teller told this tale. Storyteller Fausto Arana of Trujillo says this custom of singing choruses during stories helps to keep the audience awake and participating, as stories like this are usually told at all night wakes.

Garifunas continue the West African traditions of stories with choruses, special laments and stories during wakes, and having to provide each wife with a home and its furniture. More than a few Garifuna women wish that modern Garifunas did not continue the African custom of polygamy, but in spite of not being recognized by Honduran law, it continues.

Monday, July 12, 1999 Online Edition 165

Teguz’s colonial identity featured in three churches

Built by freed Black slaves, Los Dolores is the second largest colonial church in the capital and an important historical landmark. The facade is an example of religious syncretism, combining elements of the Catholic faith and Indian beliefs. See story and photos on page 16. (Photo by Eric Schwimmer.)

By ALEJANDRA FLORES BERMÚDEZ

Mario Felipe Martinez Castillo specializes in Hispano-American art. After studying history in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, he returned to Honduras and worked at the National University for five years. Martínez then went to Spain to complete a Ph.D. in History of Hispano-American Art at the University of Seville.

He’s the author of many books, including: "4 Centers of Provincial Hispanic-Creole Colonial Art in Honduras"; a monograph about the Quesailica Church in Copán; a study on education during colonial times and the Tridentino College in Comayagua; a study about unlawful trade during the mid-18th century; and a book on colonial sculpture in Honduras. His most recent work deals with the myth surrounding the death of Lempira, where through research in the "Archives of Indies" of Seville he uncovered the truth behind this legendary figure and national hero.

Recently, HTW had the opportunity to interview Martinez at the National University.

HTW: The Los Dolores church in Tegucigalpa is a very important historical structure and very little has been said or written about it. Can you tell us why this is so?

Martinez: Well, unfortunately Honduras was a marginal province and Tegucigalpa, at the time construction of Los Dolores church began, wasn’t even considered a villa -- it was still under the category of "Real de Minas de Tegucigalpa." [The story behind this church begins when] rich miners of Tegucigalpa freed a large number of black slaves, who became owners of a silver mine, land and cattle, and some shops. They also received a lot of help from their former masters. Precisely at the time Mayor Ortíz de Letona reported that 16 families of Creole Spaniards, 150 families of Indians and 800 families of blacks populated Real de Minas de Tegucigalpa. These freed blacks lived in Barrio Abajo and they built their church in honor of "Nuestra Señora de Los Dolores" (Our Lady of Pains) in 1732. It is now considered one of the most important churches in the Honduran capital.

HTW: This church has many symbols on it. It has a ladder, a rooster, a rope, etc. Could you explain their significance?

Martinez: These are the products of cultural syncretism. The Indian population adored the sun, the moon, the stars, and all nature in general. The Spanish priests allowed them to maintain their beliefs by fusing them with the Catholic beliefs. But in Los Dolores, since its name implies pain and suffering, all the elements of Christ’s passion appear on its facade. A ladder, a cross, ropes... everything related to His passion is featured there as decorative elements. It is of a baroque style and instead of having niches with statues made of plaster, like most of the churches of America, Los Dolores uses ceramics made in La Villa San Antonio of Comayagua, which are glass ceramics. The walls are of adobe or stone and all the decorations are made of glass ceramics -- the saints and all the symbols.

This saint made of glass ceramic adorns the facade of Los Dolores church built by freed Black slaves during the 18th century.

HTW: Could you tell us more about these glass ceramics?

Martinez: There was a famous factory in La Villa de San Antonio and the ceramics it made were for covering the domes of the Cathedral of Comayagua, for use in the Casa Real de Comayagua and on the houses of Comayagua’s rich. But they also produced ceramics for other parts of the region, and they received the order for the four images of angels, Solomonic columns and the symbols of Christ’s passion for the facade of Los Dolores.

HTW: There is a sun with a moustache. What is it made of and why was it important?

Martinez: The sun is made of tin. This scene of the sun is not unique to Los Dolores. In the Cathedral of Comayagua there are suns, moons and stars and it was the most important church in Honduras. The church of the Indians in Comayaguela honored the moon. At Indian communities, you can find these elements in church altarpieces and facades. This is due to the fact that the Indians bonded more with the Catholic priests through the elements important to them before the arrival of the Spanish settlers. The priests knew that it was an almost impossible task to impose the new religion and reasoned: "What’s better? That 5,000 Indians learn to understand or that we learn so we can teach to 5,000?"

HTW: In Los Dolores church there is an inscription that says it was made by ‘pardos’ and Indians. Can you explain this further?

Martinez: They used to call pardo the child of a Black and an Indian. In Tegucigalpa’s case, the children and grandchildren of Black slaves who had regained their freedom were also called pardos. During the 18th century, after classifying more than 46 types of different castes of mixed blood, they were all called pardos. First there were white Spaniards: peninsular and Creole, principal Indians and ‘mesaguare’ Indians, blacks, etc. They all started to intermarry and many new castes appeared. The crossing of races became so varied that they were all called pardos at the time Los Dolores was built.

HTW: What’s the difference between Tegucigalpa and other colonial cities?

Martinez: Because Tegucigalpa was a mining community, the Spaniards couldn’t organize the city with its principal plaza, its church and city hall in accordance with the Royal Ordinances that established how a settlement should be structured.

The mining center of Tegucigalpa had four blocks enclosing its parish, which is the cathedral that still stands downtown. Its borders were La Merced, Los Dolores and San Francisco churches. The latter was the first church built in Tegucigalpa. Its construction began in 1580, though what we can see today is probably a reconstruction made by Friar Antonio de Guadalupe López Portillo, Bishop of Comayagua, in the 18th century.

HTW: What was the relationship between Tegucigalpa and Comayaguela?

Martinez: Comayaguela was part of what was called ‘el cercado indígena’ (Indian fence) that enveloped the Spanish village. These villages needed workers. In the oldest documents you can find ‘el pueblo de indios de Comayaguela’ and ‘el pueblo de indios de Tegucigalpa’, the town of Indians of Comayaguela and Tegucigalpa, respectively. The cercado indígena that surrounded Real de Minas de Tegucigalpa was really the Indian communities of Suyapa, Guacerique, La Plazuela, and Cerro Grande, which were Indian reductions that encircled the mining center. This was because the Indians worked from 6 a.m. to 6 p.m. and it was forbidden for them to remain in the Spanish settlements after dark. They had to leave Real de Minas and go back to the suburbs.

HTW: Would you say Los Dolores was a ghetto?

Martinez: Yes, pardos, mulattos, Blacks and slaves populated it. In front of the church there was a plaza. You can see in pictures of the 1930s that there used to be a baroque fountain with Solomonic columns. This was very characteristic of colonial architectural design. Every church had to have a plaza and as the population grew so did the plaza. The first decorations were the fountains. Later, in the 19th century, the plazas were filled with statues like the one of Marco Aurelio Soto brought to decorate the principal plaza in front of the Cathedral of Tegucigalpa. Tegucigalpa originated in the hills where the barrio La Leona is located. The mines were located there and the miners lived beside their mines. That’s why there were no streets as mandated in the ordinances. There came a time during the 18th century when Tegucigalpa became a very important place. Authorities had to give the "Real de Minas" the category of "Villa de San Miguel Heredia de Tegucigalpa." That’s when construction began of the Plaza Mayor, the Cathedral, the town hall and the houses of the 16 most important families (like the Bonillas, the Zelayas, the Borjas, etc.) who lived in the "Villa de San Miguel Heredia de Tegucigalpa". The social identity of Tegucigalpa is presented in the three classes that existed here. All of them left traces and we can see this identity in three aspects: in the Immaculate Conception Church of the Indians of Comayaguela; in Los Dolores Church of the blacks, and in the Cathedral of the whites, the latter two in Tegucigalpa.

Honduran marriages introduce foreigners to many customs

By WENDY GRIFFIN

Many foreigners who come to Honduras end up with Honduran boyfriends or girlfriends. While getting to know him or her, that person also learns that Honduran dating customs are different. Foreign men are surprised when they go an a date and a cousin, aunt, or someone else will come with them.

As the relationship progresses, the foreigner finds himself being asked for money to help this or that family member. If the relationship falls apart, the man is surprised when the woman takes all the pots, pans and dishes and maybe all the furniture.

"We were just living together," he protests. But according to Honduran customs, that woman is his common-law wife (companera de hogar) and she is entitled to "los trastes" (dishes, etc) by custom and in many cases even by law.

Each ethnic group in Honduras has its own customs of what is expected of a man during the courtship period. Garifuna Angela Batiz reports that previously Garifuna men had to get all the housewares ready before they could get married. A man had to show his in-laws the dishes, pots, sheets and other household items. The in-laws might keep one thing, but it was understood these were gifts for the bride to start her new home. When she left, these things left with her.

To accumulate enough money to get all this, the men might go away to work cutting mahogany or work for banana companies or in the merchant marine. Unlike Bay Islanders, Garifunas did not worry so much about building a house, as this was previously done collectively by the young men, his family and friends. Now laborers for building any kind of house must be paid, and men who never leave Honduras sometimes have a hard time convincing a girl to leave the cement house her father or other relative built.

Once they are together, the foreigner finds himself or herself as part of a family that may have very different beliefs about health. Women in particular complain about this, because the general theory of hot and cold that can cause illness has a lot to say about childbirth and menstruation.

Among Garifunas there are illnesses that are believed to be caused by unhappy ancestor spirits. When any member of the family is diagnosed with having this type of problem, second cousins on both sides of the family must help pay for ceremonies with food, drumming, dancing and singing. The full three-year cycle of the largest ceremony for illness, "dugu," can cost US$10,000.

Even living in the ethnic community can put one at risk for having to pay for ceremonies. For ceremonies like chugu and dugu, anyone who goes is supposed to bring a liter of cheap cane liquor known as "guaro." My boyfriend used to tease me that if I died, he would be several hundred dollars poorer because our Garifuna neighbors would expect a Garifuna-style wake with drumming, singing, dancing punta and drinking guaro until dawn.

I asked one of the drummers in Trujillo if this were true. He thought a minute and said, "I certainly would come for a bit to dance at your wake." I guess I'd better start saving up now.

Monday, July 5, 1999 Online Edition 164

Changes in courtship and marriage bring social problems

By WENDY GRIFFIN

One of Honduras' social problems most evident to visitors is the large number of single mothers. This problem is not new. Legends of La Llorona (the Crying Woman) or Malinche date back to earliest colonial times. These stories tell of an Indian woman who has children with a Spaniard out of wedlock. She kills the children and then cries for them. Some ethnic groups such as the Pech previously did not accept children of mixed ethnicities.

The situation of single mothers has gotten worse in the last generation as the whole system by which young people court and become married has changed. One area whose customs have changed is the Bay Islands.

Arnold Auld of Constellation Bight, Roatan tells that when he was young, the older folk were very strict about letting a young man court a girl. The young man had to ask permission and then he and the girl could only meet at her parent's house. Ladinos of Tegucigalpa and El Paraiso also say this rule was the custom there previously.

"He could not come every day," said Auld. "Maybe he could see her only three nights a week. No one was out on the streets late. The older heads wanted everything in good order."

BUSH WORK

James Thomas, also of Roatan, remembers how some of the older heads used to keep a piece of ironwood (in Spanish quiebrahacha) as a test for young men who wanted to marry their daughters. "They wanted to make sure the young men knew how to work in the bush."

"A Spanish man wanted to marry my sister," said Thomas. "He was a carpenter. My father made him work in the bush. The man had asthma and could not work in the bush. My father refused the marriage, even though he could make money as a carpenter. In those days, the people thought if the man cannot work in the bush, how will he support my daughter? In those days, everyone worked in the bush."

Arlie Brooks remembers there used to be Moonlight Hops in which young people could dance together, but these dances were under the supervision of school and Sunday school teachers.

Only in the last 10 years has electricity been available to most of the Bay Islands. Many Bay Islands families belong to Protestant denominations that disapprove of dancing. So the custom of all night dances at discos, or the fact that cheap hotels in the Islands get most of their clients after 10 p.m., is something new in there.

These changes, in addition to leading to more unwed mothers, also contribute to the high rate of HIV infection. Some young islanders still try to prove they are worthy husbands by joining the merchant marine to save up money to build a house for a Bay Islands wife. Given the rise in the cost of real estate, some Bay Islands men who did not to go away to sea, say they cannot afford a Bay Island's wife and marry Spanish-speaking women. Others go to sea, but much of their money is wasted on "wine, women, and song" in different ports around the world, which puts them at risk.

THE SWEET TEST

The Miskitos are another ethnic group that had practices to control courtship. When a young man came to visit, says Jairo Wood of Brus Laguna, parents would give the young man la prueba del dulce (the sweet test).

This consisted of giving him sugar cane to eat. One end of sugar cane is very sweet and the other end less so. If he ate the sweetest part first, and particularly if he did not finish it, he was a bad candidate for marriage. It was thought he would use the girl and leave. But if he ate the less sweet part first and left the sweetest part for last, then he was considered a man who would stay.

Parents also wanted to see the work of the young man. They would require him to give a gifts to the parents of the girl. In much of the Mosquitia, this gift is cattle. The boy must also court the girl. Cecilio Tatallon says the instrument lungku, a type of musical bow, was played outside the girl's mosquito net at night to try to convince her of his love. If music did not convince her, there were also magical herbs to get her to fall in love with him.

The Pech verified if the boy was a good worker by making him work for the father-in-law a year for free. The young man also lives with his wife's family even after they are married, which helps ensure he is kind to his wife and provides well for her.

Basilio Ordonez of the Tawahkas tells how young men who wished to marry Tawahka girls would have to submit to a test that was designed by several older people in the village. For example, they might ask him to look for eagle eggs in the mountains. This ceremony with dancing, Tawahka music and a traditional drink called wasak is called "Dang Lauhal" (To be put to the test).

Sometimes boys try to get around these courtship rites, as in the Ladino custom robar la muchacha (steal the girl), where the couples steals away together at night. Shotgun weddings still happen in Honduras. When several Miskito teachers were asked how they got married to their current wife, they said, "Me casaron" (They made me get married).

There are several Honduran proverbs that suggest reflection before marriage, such as "No hay que chupar el mango hasta que este maduro" ("Don't suck a mango until it is ripe," or in plain English, "Don't get involved with a girl unless you are sure you want to wed her").

Alfareria in Honduras: an ancient tradition still alive

Special to Honduras This Week

Alfareria or pottery is one of the few ancestral traditions that the Mesoamerican culture has passed down to almost all Latin America and that today continues to be practiced in Honduras. The people who keep this tradition alive are small Indian villages such as the highland communities of Yuscaran, Guajiquiro, Camasca and La Campa.

These locations offer more than a geographical knowledge of where to find the potters. It also helps us understand many other factors that have contributed to the survival of this activity. Alessandra Folleti, an anthropologist who has devoted many years to the study and support of Honduran potters, wrote in her study titled "Contemporary Lenca Pottery" that there are around 30 communities in the south, center and west of Honduras that continue to make pottery because it is the only alternative for sustaining themselves. Moreover, she adds, most of these pottery centers are located in places where the land is so degraded that the only economic activity possible is one that employs mud and clay.

In her study she explains that even when potters offer a great service to society, their importance is overshadowed by cultural perceptions in which pottery continues to be viewed by many people and potters themselves as tired, primitive, Indian, ignorant, petty and dirty work. Potter families are those who have no other remedy than to continue getting their hands dirty. "Being a potter means being poor," a point of view that for many years, perhaps centuries, has left these workers without any privileges or dignity.

Another factor that has contributed to the situation in which artisans live is the fact that production is in the hands of women, while more sophisticated production techniques employing ovens is performed by men.

Potter women began to make pottery as soon as they get married and start to have children, or as they themselves say, "As we began to feel necessity." Sometimes the husband and later the children help in this activity, in other cases the husband has to work in the fields and can barely help at all. However, in most cases there is a total absence of the husband at home and therefore the women, in addition to housework and raising children, bear the whole responsibility of extracting, transporting and preparing the clay. In addition, they have to look for fire wood and sell the products they make at the market on Sundays.

Thanks to the efforts of the Honduran Institute of Anthropology and History, private organizations such as COSUDE (Swiss Co-operation for Development) and people like Alessandra Folleti, several projects and cooperatives have been established to help bring back the dignity and support that so many potters and especially women potters need. Currently, there are around 1,000 craftspersons from different communities who are organized in cooperatives where the potters work together in the production process, creation of new designs and the distribution of their work to various parts of the country.

In Honduras, the art of pottery struggles to prevail as either a tradition or as an alternative economic activity. If potters want to survive, commercially speaking, they must create more pieces that are the same and more designs, perhaps more commercial ones. If this happens, would they loose their identity? Would part of the Lenca culture and history be lost in the past? And if they try to preserve their old ways of production, would this activity survive at all?

For Clotilde Jimenez, a Lenca potter from El Porvenir, Siguatepeque, the answer to these problems is not clear-cut, but her determination and joy in doing the work will still remain, as she declares, "It is true that we are not yet selling or producing all that we really need to. Even with all the efforts and organization we are just surviving. Still, I've always liked to work with clay, since I was a little girl, I remember. I am glad that I can keep working with pottery because it's the work I enjoy. Some people like to work cleaning houses or on farms, I know pottery is hard work but I'd rather do it."